D 3.1 Trends in Inequality in Education: Chapter 3 25 Years of Reforms in Early Childhood Education and Care

3. 25 years of reforms in early childhood education and care

In examining education reforms aimed at reducing inequalities, we draw attention to two key dimensions: equality and equity. These concepts are often used synonymously, yet they refer to distinct approaches to addressing educational disparities. Their interpretation varies across social, political, and cultural contexts.

Equality generally refers to offering all students the same resources, opportunities, and forms of support regardless their socioeconomic, cultural, or ethnic status (UNESCO, 2020). This understanding is grounded in a concept of universal access. However, equality cannot be reached simply by distributing resources equally; it requires proactive measures to dismantle systemic barriers so that all students can reach similar levels of achievement. This interpretation is not consistently applied in the reforms under review. In some cases, it means ‘formal parity in resources’ and ‘the active reduction of systemic inequalities in the others (Minow 2021; Ślusarczyk et al. 2026). Equality therefore requires more than uniform distribution of resources; it also involves confronting the deep-rooted, intersecting disadvantages that prevent some groups from achieving comparable outcomes.

On the other hand, equity recognises that students face different challenges and therefore require differentiated forms of support (Minow 2021). This approach acknowledges that factors such as poverty, disability, gender, ethnicity, or place of residence may create additional obstacles to learning. Equity-oriented policies, therefore, seek to compensate for these disadvantages by tailoring and allocating proportionate resources and interventions to specific needs (OECD, 2018; Ślusarczyk et al. 2026).

The structure of this chapter reflects the dual focus of contemporary education reforms on equality and equity. We begin by examining reforms that prioritise equality, understood primarily as expanding universal access to education and ensuring that all children can participate in early childhood education and care. In the second part, we turn to policy initiatives that place stronger emphasis on equity, particularly those that develop targeted strategies designed to address the specific needs of students who face greater structural barriers. In many cases, these two dimensions overlap, as countries often combine universal measures with interventions aimed at reducing intersectional disparities. Our analysis is limited to reforms concerning access to early childhood education (ISCED 0) and covers the years 2004-2018 in total 18 reforms (see Table 3.1).

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Table 3.1: ECEC reforms in Europe 2004-2018

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The chapter is based on Deliverable D.2.1 STRIDE report “25 years of education policy changes for Equity and Inclusion in Europe” (Ślusarczyk et al., 2026). In addition, this chapter serves as a contextual background for the subsequent analytical sections. Its aim is to outline the key trends that have shaped early childhood education and care (ECEC) reforms in recent decades, thereby providing the conceptual and policy framework necessary to interpret the reform trajectories discussed later in the report.

3.1 Universal access to preschool education

Across Europe, reforms aimed at ensuring universal access to early childhood education and care (ECEC) have taken diverse institutional forms, yet they share a common goal of expanding entitlement and reducing socio-economic disparities in participation. Croatia, Germany, Norway, Portugal, Finland, Ireland and Hungary illustrate different policy trajectories through which states have moved toward more comprehensive, legally anchored preschool provision.

In Croatia, universal access has been pursued primarily through the gradual expansion of compulsory participation. Since 2014, a preschool programme has been mandatory for all children in the year preceding primary school, as specified in Article 23a of the Official Gazette 94/13. The programme encompassed 250–550 hours per year, delivered from October to June. A reform, adopted in 2024, significantly broadened this provision: the new National Curriculum for Preschool Education extended the duration to 700 hours annually while retaining the compulsory character of the final pre-primary year. The reform also introduced an adapted programme for children aged four to six, thereby expanding the scope of public responsibility beyond the pre-school year alone. Still, while enrolment one year before primary school reached 100% (compared with the OECD average of 96%), younger children participated at substantially lower rates, with marked socioeconomic inequalities: among 0–2-year-olds, participation was 11% in families from the bottom income tertile compared to 29% in the top tertile (OECD, 2024). For children aged three to compulsory school age, participation increased from 67.6% in 2010 to 79.4% in 2020, though it remained below the EU average of 92.8%.

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In Germany, universal access has been advanced through a rights-based approach supported by large scale federal investment. The Children Promotion Act (Kinderförderungsgesetz – KiföG, 2008) established the legal and financial framework for expanding childcare provision, including the creation of a dedicated “child-care expansion” fund. Since 1 August 2013, all children, from the age of one, have held a legal right to a place in early childhood education, either in day-care centres or through childminding services. To operationalise this entitlement, the federal government has implemented five investment programmes since 2008, co-funded by Länder and municipalities. Together the fourth and fifth programmes aimed to create 190,000 additional places for children up to school entry age. The fifth programme was, supported partly by the EU’s NextGenerationEU recovery plan, that allocated a further EUR 1 billion, linked to the COVID 19 stimulus package of 2020–2021, to generate 90,000 new places.

In Portugal, the trajectory toward universal access has been linked to the expansion of free public provision for children aged 3–5. Between 2017 and 2019, the country implemented a phased reform culminating in universal, free preschool education by 2019. As of 2018, three-year-olds gained voluntary access to preschool, while coverage for four- and five-year-olds had already been fully secured. This reform situated early childhood education firmly within national education policy rather than social care, emphasising equal access and the public responsibility for early learning.

Norway represents one of the earliest and most comprehensive models of universal entitlement. In 2009, the country introduced a legal right to an ECEC place from age one, independent of parental employment status. This reform reflected a long-standing national commitment to educational equity and child development as public goods rather than commodities tied to the labour market. What is important, the reform was grounded in a concept that early education and child development should be guaranteed as a child’s right and public entitlements, not shaped by labour market dynamics or parental employment status.

Ireland expanded access through three coordinated pillars: the universal Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) “free preschool” (from 2010; expanded 2016), the Community Childcare Subvention (CCS) for disadvantaged families, and Training and Employment Childcare/After School Childcare (ACCS/ACSS). By 2015/16, 104,441 children benefited from at least one program. These measures combined universalism (ECCE) and targeting (CCS/ACCS) to widen and equalise access.

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Building on the growing recognition of preschool education as a foundation for later learning, many countries have complemented the right to access early childhood education with the introduction of partial or full mandatory participation, most often in the final year before the start of compulsory schooling. Finland is a notable example: through an amendment to the Basic Education Act (Perusopetuslaki), pre-primary education became compulsory in August 2015, requiring every child to complete one year of pre-primary education before entering compulsory schooling at age seven. This reform was identified as the first major reform at the preschool level and aimed to ensure equal opportunities for early learning and strengthen school readiness nationwide.

A similar rationale underpinned the introduction of mandatory kindergarten from age three in Hungary in 2015, established in the Act on National Public Education and aligned with the goals of the Hungarian National Social Inclusion Strategy (HNSIS, 2014). This third reform at pre-school level sought to increase preschool attendance among multiply disadvantaged children, based on evidence that more years in early education support cognitive and social development, improve later educational outcomes, and reduce early school leaving (Hódi and Tóth 2016). Following implementation, enrolment rates rose from 81% in the general population and 77% among Roma children in 2011 to 95% and 91% in 2016 (FRA 2016; Kende 2021). For 2020 95.7% of 4–6-year-olds attend kindergarten in Hungary (above the EU average of 94.8%; European Commission 2020), and participation among 3-year-olds increased from 74% in 2012 to 81% in 2015 and 85% in 2021 (OECD 2014; 2017; 2023). Despite these gains, Hungary faced significant challenges: a persistent nationwide shortage of preschool teachers driven largely by very low salaries, averaging only 60% of those of tertiary educated workers (OECD 2023). Projects implemented under the HNSIS aimed at increasing kindergartens’ capacity to compensate for disadvantage children were identified as good practices due to strong cooperation and voluntary participation (Nagy et al. 2020), yet they reached only around 3% of the target group of kindergarten teachers and did not provide evidence of child level impact (Roma Civil Monitor 2019).

Overall, while mandatory preschool policies reflect a shared commitment to strengthening early learning through universal or near universal participation, their effectiveness ultimately depends on adequate staffing and the equitable distribution of high-quality provision.

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3.2 Strengthening equity in education: targeted preschool policy reforms

As a step towards equity a diverse array of policy instruments has been deployed to expand access to ECEC by reducing financial and linguistic barriers and targeting support to children in vulnerable situations. This subchapter synthesizes concrete reforms and implementation details from: Austria, Poland, the Flemish Community of Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Latvia, Malta, Norway, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Equity goals were pursued through needs-based targeting, fee regulation, capacity expansion, and language or inclusion supports.

Austria introduced obligatory and free half day kindergarten attendance (20 hours/week without lunch) for five-year-olds in 2010, under a federal–state agreement designed to eliminate economic barriers to preschool participation. A central rationale was that elementary education significantly advances psychological, cognitive, and social development and underpins school readiness. Importantly, mandatory kindergarten should also serve as a vehicle for targeted language development for children whose first language was not German. Since 2013, joint federal–provincial investment has prioritized places for children under three, longer opening hours, and quality improvements through minimum standards. Several Länder extend free half or full day provision to younger children. Participation has remained very high: the attendance rate rose from 96.3% (2008) to 98.3% (2010), dipped to 97.2% (2013), then grew to 98.8% (2017) and 99.1% (2022). Notably, the share of five-year-olds in care with a non-German first language increased from 23.9% to 31.9% in 2021/22, underscoring the salience of the language support function. Poland chose similar way by introducing amendments to the School Education Act (2013) capped parental fees at PLN 1 (ca. 0,25 EUR) for each hour of preprimary attendance beyond the five free compulsory hours and introduced earmarked state grants to compensate local governments. The same legislative package staged rights-based access: all four-year-olds secured a right to preprimary education from September 2015, and all three-year-olds were guaranteed a place from September 2017. These measures combine affordability regulation with a universal entitlement approach to access. Also Norway introduced (2015–2016) a national subsidy regime with fee caps (no family pays more than 6% of income), maximum national fees, sibling reductions, and additional municipal subsidies for low income families to uphold the statutory right to a kindergarten place and mitigate financial barriers, From 2016, children aged 3–5 in low income households are entitled to 20 hours per week of free preschool, which can be seen as an explicit redistributive measure to boost participation among disadvantaged children.

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The Flemish Community in Belgium provided priority access to childcare for children under three from single-parent and/or low-income households, particularly where childcare facilitated employment or study and socio-economic inclusion. At the pre-primary level, schools received an additional €950 per year for each newly arrived child aged 2.5+ whose native language is not Dutch, strengthening both access and language-responsive funding. Alike, in 2015, Slovakia combined state and EU funding to expand kindergarten capacity and inclusion. With €15 million in the first round, the Ministry supported 3,600 new places across 113 municipalities, prioritizing high demand areas. EU and national projects targeted disadvantaged children (especially Roma) through inclusive curricula, teacher training, hiring assistants, and campaigns to reduce unjustified placement in special schools. EU funds also covered salaries for qualified teachers in workplace childcare and for newly hired kindergarten staff expanding capacity to serve working mothers. Subsequent reporting confirms continued use of EU funds to expand and maintain kindergarten capacity.

In Denmark, the Daycare Act framed ECEC as a universal and preventive service aimed at counteracting negative social inheritance and exclusion, with compulsory enrolment for children from “vulnerable residential areas” to strengthen Danish language competencies, learning readiness, and socialisation into shared norms and values. The strengthened pedagogical curriculum included explicit requirements to tailor learning environments for children in vulnerable positions. Evaluation evidence from the Danish Evaluation Institute indicated mixed but advancing implementation: by 2021, 47% of municipal daycare managers reported that “all or almost all” or “more than half” of daycare settings were close to realising intentions around children’s communities and support for vulnerable children (Danmarks Evalueringsinstitut, 2022). Similarly, Malta’s National Children’s Policy (2017) set objectives to increase accessibility of childcare and schools, support kindergarten attendance, reduce absenteeism (aligned with the 2014 Attendance in Schools Policy), and strengthen induction and inclusion supports for children from migrant families and for learners with special educational needs (including gifted). The policy promoted diverse pedagogies and inclusive environments to ensure every learner can achieve their potential.

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Germany’s federal government supported Länder measures through the Act on the Further Development of Quality and Participation in Child Day Care (2019–2022), followed by the KiTa Quality Act (2023–2024). A reform introduced a nationwide obligation for socially graduated parental fees from 1 August 2019, using criteria such as parental income, number of children eligible for child benefits, and care hours. Under defined conditions, families paid no fees, particularly those receiving social assistance, housing allowance (Wohngeld), or child supplements (Kinderzuschlag). Länder have increasingly eliminated or reduced contributions, sometimes fully or for the final year of kindergarten and often leveraging federal funds.

Greece reduced the starting age of compulsory education to four (Law 4521/2018, art. 33), aiming to reduce exclusion from preschool. Although there was no formal evaluation regarding its effectiveness in meeting the overall demand for preschool places, a subsequent regulation (FEK 4704/2020, art. 34) temporarily excluded some regions due to capacity constraints (facilities unable to absorb new cohorts). This implementation gap forced many urban municipalities to rely on temporary prefabricated structures (containers), raising serious concerns about the quality of the learning environment. While teacher unions have broadly endorsed the reform for its equity benefits, they continue to press for adequate infrastructure and the recruitment of permanent staff to ensure sustainable child-to-teacher ratios.

In Latvia, to reduce long waiting lists and facilitate parents’ return to work, the authority launched a pilot childcare support and child minder service in 2013 for children aged 1.5–4 not enrolled in public childcare (municipalities were obligated to provide preschool education from age five). The program aimed to do it by co-funding private kindergartens or childminders. Child minding as a completion of public services was also introduced in Slovenia. The Childminding of Preschool Children Program (2008; amended 2012) provided municipal grants to parents unable to secure a public kindergarten place, equal to 20% of the price of the program the child would have attended. Childminders might care for up to six children at home if the place was according to equipment norms (e.g., separate playrooms and children’s bathroom facilities). In 2023/24, 297 childminders were registered with the ministry. Earlier assessments (2008) flagged uneven access due to local inequalities (e.g., rapid growth areas, poorer municipalities, the capital) and insufficient integration of private childminders into the public system, constraints the 20% subsidy only partially mitigates when public places are unavailable.

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3.3 Summary

Reforms across the examined countries reflect several broad types of equity-oriented action in early childhood education and care. First, many systems focus on removal of direct cost barriers, using mechanisms such as free provision, income-based fee regulation, or capped parental payments. Second, governments increasingly introduce guaranteed access towards universal provision. Third, targeted access measures aim to reduce structural disadvantages by prioritising vulnerable groups, including low-income families, children in marginalised communities, or those facing long waiting lists. Fourth, some reforms emphasize language support and integration, embedding linguistic development to promote equitable participation. Fifth, countries invest in capacity building and quality assurance, expanding places, extending opening hours, and strengthening regulatory frameworks. Finally, the landscape reveals varied approaches to monitoring and evaluation, with some systems systematically assessing the implementation of equity measures.

European evaluations of early childhood education and care (ECEC) consistently show that policy developments across the continent combine efforts to expand access with attempts to reduce persistent inequalities. Participation levels among children aged three and over remain high, reaching 93% in 2022, and the EU aims to raise this to 96% by 2030. However, access for younger children is still uneven: average participation among children under age three stands at 37.5% in 2023, and only a subset of Member States meets the revised Barcelona target of 45% attendance. Few systems guarantee an ECEC place immediately after the end of parental leave, resulting in a structural “ECEC gap” that disproportionately affects families with fewer resources (High-Quality Early Childhood Education and Care In Europe, 2024; Key data on early childhood education and care in Europe, 2025).

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At the same time, European systems increasingly emphasise policies aimed at equity and inclusion. A total of 29 education systems have introduced measures to facilitate access for children facing structural barriers including children with disabilities, migrant background, and those at risk of poverty. It should be achieved through specialised staff, reduced group sizes, adapted infrastructure or targeted funding. Broader analyses underscore that effective ECEC provision depends not only on access and structural quality, but also on building strong partnerships with families and ensuring child-centred, inclusive practices (High Quality …, 2024).

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